Who Really Wants Netanyahu’s Corruption Trial to End? 

After years of managing his own trial and, according to his supporters, systematically dismantling the state’s claims, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has submitted a formal request for clemency to President Isaac Herzog. But is this really what he and his allies want?

Netanyahu officially filed the request today (Sunday), more than five and a half years after his trial began. The moment is one few anticipated, or perhaps few truly wished for.

Supporters of Netanyahu had hoped he would continue disproving the allegations against him in court, vindicating himself fully and allowing him to continue serving repeatedly as Prime Minister. On the other hand, his opponents had hoped that the prosecution would finally secure a conviction, ultimately pushing him out of political life, or even, in jest, imagining him in prison attire. Opposition groups, calling themselves “the Democratic Camp,” have prepared maneuvers and strategies that push against democratic norms to achieve this outcome.

In reality, only a minority of Israelis seem to genuinely support Netanyahu’s pardon for reasons beyond political gain, those who want a return to pre-trial days and calmer political waters.

A Minority Can Prevail

As always in high-profile cases, both sides seek to prove themselves right. Netanyahu’s supporters echo the Prime Minister’s own words in the clemency request:

“My personal interest was and remains to continue the process to its conclusion, until full acquittal on all charges. But the security and diplomatic realities demand otherwise.”

In other words, Netanyahu accepts no responsibility and admits no guilt. For him and his supporters, it would still be preferable to continue the trial, and only due to “security and diplomatic realities” did he submit the pardon request, not for himself, but allegedly for the “good of the state.”

Critics, meanwhile, view the clemency request as further proof of wrongdoing. Opposition leaders accused Netanyahu of acting like a guilty party begging for mercy. Yair Golan, chairman of the Democrats, said, “Only the guilty request clemency. Apparently, you are afraid of the truth.”

Even opponents admit, however, that a Prime Minister spending much of his time in court rather than governing cannot fully perform his duties.

Legal Framework and Precedents

Israeli law does not require Netanyahu to admit guilt.

The Basic Law: President of the State grants the President authority to pardon: “The President of the State has the authority to pardon offenders and mitigate punishments by reducing or commuting them.”

The Criminal Records Law and the Rehabilitation of Offenders Law elaborate further: "The President may shorten or cancel statutes of limitations, erase criminal records, or determine deadlines for these actions.”

Thus, there is no legal obligation to admit guilt. Nevertheless, President Herzog has previously indicated that he would prefer Netanyahu to acknowledge wrongdoing before considering a pardon.

The law requires that pardons typically apply to convicted individuals, unlike Netanyahu, whose trial is still ongoing. There is, however, precedent for pardons before conviction, as in the “Line 300” case, where the court recognized such action as “rare and extreme,” reserved for situations where severe harm would occur otherwise.

Political Calculations

All signs point to President Herzog leaning toward granting the pardon, whether in exchange for a “calming of the reforms” or for other reasons. Herzog understands that the trial may be more harmful than helpful, regardless of its ultimate outcome.

He also sees the secret communications and understands that adversaries will connect events, such as strikes hours after Netanyahu requests a trial delay, to anticipate future moves.

If Herzog truly wants to end Netanyahu’s trial and restore political calm, he will likely have to compromise on some desires from both Netanyahu and his opponents, leading to a historic resolution in one of Israel’s most complex political-legal cases.