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Tinderbox about to blow

"We Are Very, Very Close to War with Iran," Israeli Experts Warn

Two prominent analysts say the diplomatic deadlock with Tehran is total and that a new military confrontation is no longer a question of if, but when.

IAF fighter jet
IAF fighter jet (Photo: IDF Spokesperson)

The diplomatic track with Iran has collapsed, the gaps are unbridgeable, and the next round of fighting is fast approaching. That was the stark assessment delivered Monday morning by two leading Israeli analysts during a strategic discussion on Radio 103FM - and neither man left much room for optimism.

"We are getting very, very, very close to military action. That is the bottom line," said Yaki Dayan, a former Israeli consul in Los Angeles, setting the tone for a conversation that grew grimmer as it went on.

Dayan laid out the fundamental problem with clinical clarity. Removing Iran's enriched uranium, the core demand of any meaningful deal, can only be achieved in one of three ways. "The first is a ground military operation, and there is nothing Trump wants less than that. The second is regime change. And the third is an agreement and we can see that the agreement is completely stuck right now."

With all three paths either politically toxic or practically unavailable, Dayan suggested Trump may be looking for a more limited win to show for his efforts. "He might go for opening the Strait of Hormuz. That won't solve the uranium issue, but it gives him a bargaining chip."

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Iran researcher Danny Citrinowicz, a senior fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies, offered a blunt assessment of what the recent military campaign against Iran actually achieved and what it didn't.

"In the end, the campaign had significant operational achievements," he acknowledged. "But against the strategic goals, regime change through a devastating blow to Iran's missile array, its conventional capabilities, and of course the nuclear issue, the result is not a good result."

Worse, he argued, the campaign may have hardened Iran rather than softened it. "When you look at Iran's red lines now, you have to say that not only have they not changed them compared to before the war, they have actually stiffened them. They have significant demands in the negotiation: they are not willing to discuss the nuclear issue before they receive economic relief, sanctions removal, and recognition of their right to control the Strait of Hormuz."

The most alarming part of Citrinowicz's analysis was not about Iran's current position, but about where its leadership appears to be heading ideologically.

"We are facing a regime that is very extreme, much more extreme, in my view, than it was before the campaign," he said. Before the recent rounds of fighting, he explained, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei had long been seen as someone who feared crossing the point of no return. That buffer, he argued, no longer exists.

"It's not that Iran under Khamenei was pragmatic in the past. But we spoke of him as a kind of buffer who was very afraid to cross the Rubicon. Now we are facing an extreme regime, accompanied by a much clearer understanding on their part that the only way to deter Israel and the United States from attacking Iran in the future, is simply to get the bomb."

The picture that emerges from Monday's discussion is one of two sides locked in positions that cannot be reconciled through negotiation, with military action filling the vacuum that diplomacy has left behind.

Iran wants sanctions lifted before it will discuss its nuclear program. Israel and the United States want the nuclear program addressed before anything else moves. The Strait of Hormuz sits in the middle as a potential face-saving offramp, but one that leaves the central danger entirely unresolved.

For Dayan, the conclusion is straightforward, if deeply uncomfortable: "This will happen very soon."

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